Andrei Şaguna and “The Organic Statute” – II.1-2 The first years of Andrei Şaguna’s life


II.1 Family roots

The future Metropolitan Andrei Şaguna, whose baptismal name was Anastasie, was born on December 20, 1808/January 1, 1809[1], at Miskolcz, in Hungary, as the third and last child of a Macedo-Romanian/Aromanian[2] family: Anastasia and Antonie/Naum Şaguna.

In the first half of the eighteenth century, the Macedo-Romanians of the Şaguna family were well settled merchants, whose main site was Moscopole, a thriving economical and cultural centre[3] south of the present day Albania. Like many of their Macedo-Romanian countrymen they were go-betweens, being specialized in the prosperous goods transport[4] between Venice and different ports along the East Mediterranean coast.[5]

During the second part of the eighteenth century, the trade on land south of the Balkan, and simultaneously the role of the trading centre of the Moscopole locality were seriously undermined by the Turkish and Albanian invasions and devastations[6] and the Macedo-Romanian merchants moved their business either into Macedonia proper, into Poland, or into the safe and ordered Austrian and Magyar towns, where relatives and business partners had already settled.[7] “Thus in the town of Miskolcz (north of Hungary, Borsod County) by 1606 settled some Macedo-Romanian families, who prospered in time and by 1728 there already lived three hundred Romanian merchants and their families.”[8]

The members of the Şaguna family[9] followed this emigration line and eventually settled at Miskolcz where they started a profitable trade with regional wines. They had a place of rank among the prosperous families of the Macedo-Romanian community. At the turn of the eighteenth century, two brothers, Antonie/Naum and Avreta Şaguna, inherited the family business from their father. “By his father, Şaguna had only one uncle, Avreta Şaguna, who lived in Poland and was a partner in his father’s business. By his mother, he was a close relative of Mutovsky, Muciu, Economu, Grabovsky families from Pest and Miskolcz.”[10] These Macedo-Romanian families were among those who settled in the towns of Hungary up to Galitia, where they received Polish like names: Grabova-Grabovsky, Mutu-Mutovsky; others settled in Hungary and got Hungarian or Serbian like names: Baraty, Simony, Eötvös, Rajcovics, Popovics; others got Greek like names: Angelaki, Trandafiri etc.; but most of the Macedo-Romanians kept their original names: Muciu, Economu, Sina, Şaguna.[11]

Antonie/Naum Şaguna married a second time on May 1, 1802[12], to Anastasia Muciu/Mutsu, the daughter of a well off Macedo-Romanian merchant of Miskolcz,  Mihail Muciu/Mutsu, who increased his income by marriage with a substantial dowry as the bride’s father wrote in a petition to the emperor. He had already had a child, Gheorghe Şaguna, from his previous marriage to Ecaterina Magiaro of Perlepe, who had died as a young woman.[13]

Since the last decade of the eighteenth century, the Macedo-Romanians of the Habsburg Monarchy manifested their growing national consciousness making special efforts to establish their identity in the churches and schools they attended with the Greeks.[14] Their horizon and the maturity of their re-born national consciousness are obvious in the Macedo-Romanian writers’ historical and philological works of the age.[15]

Deeply religious and attached to Orthodoxy, the Macedo-Romanian merchants, wherever they came, “first of all set up a church community, building everywhere beautiful and well furnished churches.”[16] The Orthodox of Miskolcz “built in twenty years one of the most beautiful Romanian Orthodox churches in Hungary.”[17] In this church completed in 1806, was to be baptized Anastasie, the future great Metropolitan Andrei Şaguna of Transylvania, on December 28, 1808/January 9, 1809.[18]

Andrei Şaguna’s first biographer Nicolae Popea tells us that the metropolitan had also had another brother, named Avreta and two sisters, Maria and Ecaterina, who died young, while his brother died as a merchant in Pest.[19] But, according to some documents from archives later discovered: “From the letter written by the archbishop of Agria [Eger], we can read that Andrei (Anastasie)’s father, Antonie Şaguna, had three sons [children], two boys and a girl: Francisc/Avreta, Anastasie (Andrei) and Ecaterina. They were all raised up to eighteen in the Roman Catholic faith.”[20]

Shortly after the birth of Anastasie – the third and last child of Antonie/Naum Şaguna’s family – the father had come to a serious financial and family deadlock because of his disorderly life: he came to spend Anastasia’s dowry, even the gifts she had received as a bride, and the objects her father gave them from time to time; he began to behave harshly and angrily with his wife, so she had to move and shelter together with her children in her parents’ house.[21]

This financial breakdown made the former prosperous merchant to give up the Orthodox confession and take up the Roman Catholicism, on March, 1814.[22] The father might have thought of the future situation for his children and by taking this decision, he had in mind to offer them the chance to attend the schools of the time, which he could not afford to pay. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, to be Orthodox and poor in the Austrian Empire, practically meant to have all opportunities of social and political climbing blocked. In addition to this, a law passed during the reign of Joseph II stipulated that: “the converted Catholic men’s children, born before their conversion, should be raised in the Catholic confession, until they came of age.”[23] By giving up the Orthodox confession, the Roman Catholic Church took under its care the children of the male converted and paid all the necessary expenses for their education.

Thus, Antonie/Naum Şaguna went to the Catholic Bishop Stefan Fischer of Eger, and gave him his first two children, Francisc/Evreta and Ecaterina, who were of school age, in order to be educated on the bishop’s expense; the little Anastasie was to have the same destiny in due time.[24]

II.2 From Miskolcz to Pest

In the following, in spite of the fact that this research has not a historical or strictly biographical character, we shall give a relative large space to some episodes from Andrei Şaguna’s childhood and youth, first of all because the legal aspects are not to be neglected at all. Basically, these events were inserted on the skeleton of a confessional/religious law with a clear discriminating character. The relationship of a “fruitful friendship” between the politic power and the dominant religion/confession is pre-eminent. And not in the least, one of the arguments for a quite exhaustive approach was that in many monographs or in the commemorative articles these episodes of the metropolitan’s life are eluded or falsely presented, while the original documents which present them objectively were published in an uncirculated magazine. A conclusive example of false and contradicting presentation of Andrei Şaguna’s biography was offered by the famous historian Nicolae Iorga (1871-1940), who firstly wrote: “The family was poor and needing support from the ecclesiastical authority, and the closest one, in Miskolcz, not being an Orthodox one, the children converted to Catholicism. The mother did not agree with this change and she was successful in her insistence”[25]; but later he contradicted himself: “his mother, a widow, turned him for a moment into a Catholic, out of interest.”[26] Moreover, such or other confusions are still circulated.[27]

II.2.1 Anastasia Şaguna’s court trials for the right to educate her children (1815-1816)

It seems that the father had taken this step without the mother’s awareness because when she found out the news, Anastasia Şaguna disagreed at the decision, refusing to entrust the children, who lived with Mihail Muciu/Mutsu, her father.

Going over the fact that a legal provision had been broken when the mother tried to take away her children from having a Catholic education, Bishop Fischer must have felt deeply hurt in his own dignity, by a woman, just a woman. Therefore he addressed to the country Palatine, by a letter dated October 7, 1814, asking to order the Borsod County that the two elder children should be taken by force from their grandfather and entrusted for education to the bishop himself, while Anastasie, the youngest who was only five, was to be entrusted to the Catholic archdeacon from Miskolcz, at the school age.[28] The civil authorities answered this petition, passing a stipulation in this respect.[29]

Anastasia refused to carry out this disposition. Her father Mihail Muciu/Mutsu drew a petition to the emperor, at the end of February 1815, in which he explained his daughter and grandchildren’s situation, requesting that the children be entrusted to him to be raised and educated until they come of age, obliging himself to respect the option of the religious change, if this was their decision.[30]

The answer was issued by the Imperial Chancellery on March 3, 1815, and was a negative one, namely the children should be entrusted to be raised and educated by the Catholic bishop.[31]

But the decision could not be turned into practice, because of the mother’s refusal[32], who in March 1815, taking her children along with her, hid in Pest[33] in her uncle’s house; he was Atanasie Grabovsky “a well off man, a distinguished merchant with great connections.”[34]

Because the things got complicated, the Country Council disposed to the Town Council of Pest, on January 30, 1816, to start what we call today an expertise, searching for the real facts of this case.[35] The senator Ioannes Boráros and the Catholic priest Michael Pfingstel were assigned to solve the case, and they submitted to the judge a report on this case. [36]

The data of this report were a basis of the answer given to the country Palatine, on June 24, 1816, out of which it emerges that Anastasia Şaguna was in Pest with her children for over five months, that they were twice at Miskolcz and once at Vienna[37], also that the children attended the Greek school and the Greek-Vlachian church[38], thus they were raised in the Orthodox confession in which they were born and of which their father has separated himself for two years, becoming a Catholic.[39]

During this investigation, Anastasia Şaguna had submitted a memorandum on her behalf to the Town Council of Pest, in which she described the situation sincerely, she did not hide that she wanted to raise her children in the Orthodox confession and she decided to go to the emperor with her children, and ask the mercy of the prince, a thing that the harsh law did not allow. “As a mother, who will find the only comfort in a private dialogue with His Majesty, I should be allowed to find a shelter to the highest leader of this country. My declaration pardons me, after this last attempt I will submit without delay to the orders given with regard to my children.”[40]

The mother traveled to Vienna, in June 1816, with an aim to be received in audience by the emperor, but her attempt and hope were turned down.[41]

To the address sent to the emperor by the Country Council, on July 23, 1816, by which it was said that the mother’s family that was to raise the children in the Catholic confession was not adequate[42], the Imperial Chancellery answered on August 30, 1816, according to the wish of the Hungarian authorities: the children should be entrusted to be educated by the archbishop of Eger.[43]

In the meantime, the father Antonie/Naum Şaguna “joined the army, abandoning his wife and children, without showing any interest in their fate.”[44]

As a result of the endless failures in the eyes of the Hungarian and Austrian authorities, Anastasia Şaguna tried to find a saving solution: on September 13, 1816, she presented a last memorandum to the country Palatine, in which she declared that she accepted the children’s Catholic education, on the condition that she should not be separated from them.[45] At the same time, her close relatives George and Naum Muciu/Mutsu gave a declaration, by which they promised not to try anymore to stop the education of the children in the Roman Catholic confession, and that they would support her financially and help her to raise the children by herself, only they wished that the children remained at Pest, at least for some time.[46]

The decision taken by the Country Council, on September 17, 1816, although it forbade the children to stay in Pest, sending them to Miskolcz, under the priest and the Catholic archbishop’s care, granted the mother the right to stay with them and take care of them.[47]

As the war that had lasted for two years came to an end, so did the battle of a mother against the ecclesiastical, political, administrative and juridical authorities of the time, for her right to raise and educate the children according to her religious convictions, that were not respected and discriminately settled by the confessionalized state, within which some people could not enjoy many religious rights.

II.2.2 The childhood at Miskolcz; Francisc and Ecaterina Şaguna’s reversion to Orthodoxy

Back at Miskolcz, Anastasia Şaguna followed the Country Council decision: the first two children Francisc/Evreta and Ecaterina were registered and attended Catholic school, and Anastasie, because of his age, attended the elementary classes at the Greek-Vlachian School of Miskolcz until the secondary school age.[48]

As it comes out from Anastasie Şaguna’s statement of renunciation the Roman Catholic confession, he attended the first part of the gymnasium at Miskolcz too, at the Royal Catholic Gymnasium.[49]

Other details from the time of his childhood have not been kept. The children got a Roman Catholic education in the school, but at the same time their mother insisted so firmly on the Orthodox education, that when came of age each child passed a statement of renunciation the Catholic confession and came back to the Orthodox one.

If the conversion from Orthodoxy to Roman Catholicism was unconditional, but just a written formality and sometimes not on your own name (as in our case!), the reversion was very complicated and this is why the candidates had to assume the risk of being refused, as a result of the checks they were subject to, some of them being very long. The laws of the time asked that the one who wanted to pass from the Catholic confession to another one had to learn for six weeks the basics of faith from a Catholic priest, and then to go through an examination, to prove that he knows everything, but although he knows them, he does not wish to follow them.[50] So the laws stipulated: “1. Nobody is allowed to pass from the Catholic Church except that one who follows a six weeks educational course and can prove it with a valid proof. 2. It is forbidden the non-Catholic priests to accept among their faithful anyone who has not gone through the legal steps, and even less to give the Holy Communion to someone of Catholic confession.”[51]

The first who made the petition to give up the Catholic confession was the eldest, Francisc/Evreta Şaguna, about whom the board assigned to examine the real motifs of the request reported that “he wishes to keep his mother’s religion he was born in and raised until fourteen, because he prefers it.”[52] In his petition to the Palatine, from January 12, 1822, Francisc said: “I hope that in the future I will be spared any violation of my religious convictions.”[53] Along the years, until the revolution of 1848, he will help financially his younger brother, the Bishop Andrei. He had become a rich merchant and in May 1848 he signed as a deputy of Pest.[54]

Later, on November 15, 1823, Ecaterina Şaguna drew a petition to the Catholic priest from Miskolcz, by which she asked to give up Catholicism.[55] After long delays[56] and a last attempt made by the Vicar Josephus Novaky of Eger to prevent a favourable solution[57], on October 4, 1825, the decision was issued: “Sua Majestas Ssma Catharinae Sagona Miskolczensi liberum G. n. u. r. exercitium benigne-gratiose concedere dignata est.”[58]

In 1823, when Anastasie was fourteen years old, he left the small town Miskolcz for ever, and moved to Pest, where his mother’s uncle Atanasie Grabovsky lived, whose house “was the meeting place of greatest Romanian scholars who at the time were living in Budapest.”[59]

II.2.3 Gymnasium and academic studies at Pest; Andrei Şaguna’s reversion to Orthodoxy

At Pest, Anastasie Şaguna studied at the Catholic Gymnasium of the Piarist monks, which he graduated successfully. Here is his graduation certificate issued at the end of the gymnasium:

“Testimonium Scholasticum. Nomen et cognomen, Aetas, Religio: Sagona Anastasius Annorum 18 Rom. Cath.; Gens seu Natio, Locus natalis et comitatus: Hungarus Miskoltz comitatus Borsodiens. Pater vel tutor, aut Curator, ejuisque Conditio et Habitatio: M. Anastasia Civis habitat ibidem. Annus et Schola, quam frequentavit: Anno 1826 2-am Humanitatis Classem frequentavit diligenter. Classis: In doctrina Religionis: Eminens. In Divinis frequentandis fuit solens. In Literis et Scientiis: E numero 103 condiscipulorum inter 32 Eminentes Decimus septimus; In Studio Linquae Hungaricae: Eminens 17-us. In Moribus: Clasis primae. Datum: Pestini apud Sch. P. Anno 1826. Mensis Decemb. 26-a. Glycerius Aigll m.p., e Sch. Piis Director Gymnasii. Constantinus Eschner m. p. e S. P. 2-ac Humanitatis Professor et Exhortator Gymnasii L.S.”[60]

In spite of the fact that the certificate presented him with Hungarian nationality and Roman Catholic religion, the future metropolitan remained faithful to his maternal education. “Anastasia Şaguna’s concern for religious education was shared by most Macedo-Rumanians, in whose minds Orthodoxy and nationality were inextricably linked. The church was not only the center of their social and cultural life, but as they were subject to the pressures of assimilation by their more numerous neighbours of other faiths and nationalities, it was also a shield behind which they could preserve their ancient traditions and language. They were convinced that the abandonment of Orthodoxy was merely the first step in the process of denationalization.”[61]

 The attachment for Orthodoxy, for the Romanian language and family traditions, were maternal values Andrei Şaguna was faithful to, all through his life. This attitude was proved by his actions: “Finally, I swear to support the aim of our Society if it is in my power, because here I will be lucky to listen to the sweet sounds of my maternal language, which the foreigners did not pay attention to and thus the sweeter they are to my heart.[62]

 After gymnasium, Anastasie studied for three years Philosophy and Law at the Royal University of Pest; his serious studies were to be later felt, either in his writings and political speeches, or in different documents, especially the official ones.[63]

Like his elder brothers, immediately after his coming of age, on December 29, 1826/January 10, 1827, Anastasie Şaguna initiated the procedure of renunciation the Roman Catholic confession and coming back to Orthodoxy:

Declaratio: Infrascriptus iuxta Litterasa Constantio Vulco Ecclesiae Graeci R. N. U. Orientalis Miskolziensis Parocho extradatas 20-a Decembris Anno 1808. baptizatus, jam nunc completorum 18 aetatis annorum principiis Religionis Romano-Catholicae, vel eo e respectu, quod Scholas publicas in Regiis Gimnasiis Miskolcziensi ac Pesthiensi cum profectu Eminentiae frequentando, et Studio Doctrinae Religionis solertem operam impenderim, imbutus, me juxta intimam meam convictionem, citra Consanguineorum pervasionem, coactionem, aut influxum Sacra Greco-Orientalis Ecclesiae sequi velle, hisce declaro; eatenusque mihi benignum indultum impertiri oro, paratus, eandem Declarationem, et Ore, ubi illud necesse videretur, confirmare, ut firmissimi mei propositi clarum praebeatur testimonium, et cum in Scholis publicis Religionis. R. Catholicae Doctrinam solenter exceperim, calculumque Eminentiae emeruerim, praescriptam secus 6 Hebdomadarum institutionem superfluam esse censendo, una me ab hac dispendari, protegi supplico. Pesthini 29-a Decembris 1826. Anastasius Saguna, Philisophiae in R. Universitate I-um in Annum Auditor.[64]

As a result of this petition, he had “to pass through two difficult exams related to his religious faith”[65]. First, he was heard by a commission set up by the Pest county administration, which accepted his declaration, but did not admit the dispensation petition.[66] This is why he had to attend for six weeks Catholic religious courses and then to go for the legal exams before the professor of religion, Augustin Popol from the University of Pest.[67] The professor’s final report states that from November 5 to December 27, 1827, he explained to young Şaguna the entire doctrine of religion; that the latter was attentive and modest, but when the time expired he declared that he remained faithful to his mother’s confession because it also springs from Christ’s doctrine, finding redemption in it.[68]

Once more, out of the Augustin Popol’s statement that Anastasie “wishes to remain faithful to his mother’s confession”[69] we can clearly understand that Anastasia Şaguna had been a Christian model for her children. “We ought to herald this woman’s special merit, which the Romanian people and the Holy Church will have to place her from now on besides the brightest Romanian mothers and women of the past.”[70]

 After the respective delay, the petition meant to change his confession was finally approved, and the official recognition of Anastasie Şaguna’s reversion to Orthodoxy came out on September 2, 1828:

“23959 Ex. Cons. ddo 2 Sept. 1828. […] Normali Attestato, super qualiter expleta per Anastasium Sagona sex hebdomadali Institutione, abhinc altmo Loco substrato; Sua Mttas Ssma eidem Anastasio Sagona liberum G. n. u. R. Religionis exercitium in salvo reliquendum clementer admittere dignata est. Quae tc.

Cottui. Praetus DVtris fine eo hisce intimatum, ut supra nominatum Impentrantemde citer concesso libero Religionis exercitio edoceant. Dat.

Reliquis. Cottui Pestiensi fine conformiter edocenti praefati Iuvenis sub hodierno intimata TT quoque Vrae et Accademico quoque huic magistratui pro requisito no, titiae Statu hisce nota redditur. Dat.” [71]

This personal sinuous experience beside the circumstances favourable to the Greek Catholic proselytism in Transylvania, in the nineteenth century[72], were solid arguments for the future Bishop Andrei to insist that the political power should grant a new and legal impartial regulation for the conversions from one confession to another one. The imperial decision of December 26, 1848, published by the Order of the Ministry of Public Worship on January 30, 1849, simplified and equalized the conversion formalities, irrespective of confession.[73] Only this, like other legal regulations favourable to the Orthodox, did not find a quick and easy putting into practice.[74]

The period when Anastasie studied at Pest, between 1823 and 1829, was beneficial not only for his scientific studies, but also for his religious, cultural and political horizons. He had lived in all those years by the Grabovsky family, where Romanian scholars from Pest, but also personalities from the Romanian principalities met from time to time, to draw up cultural and political plans. Atanasie Grabovsky himself was a passionate patriot and “he used to help those ready to learn and make progress. This is why he was called ‘a patron of the Romanians’…”[75] Along with the cultural and literary issues, the Romanian Orthodox Church was a burning matter for them who gathered in Grabovsky house.

During the time of his studies at Pest, the young Anastasie Şaguna started close and lasting friendships with his former colleagues: with baron József Eötvös[76], the famous man of letters, statesman and minister, with Stockinger his future doctor, “a doctor in medicine, a former schoolmate at the gymnasium of Pest[77], who took care of him at the end of his life.

Image: Andrei Şaguna – gravure dated 1855, with the bishop’s signature. Source: Mitropolitul Andreiu baron de Şaguna. Scriere comemorativă la serbarea centenară a naşterii lui, Sibiiu 1909, 104.

[1] Because there is not a similar way to date back the documents from Andrei Şaguna’s epoch, taking into account that some of them are dated back to the Julian calendar and others to the Gregorian one, others in both, it was chosen, in order to avoid confusions, to keep the written data on the respective documents, adding where necessary, “the Gregorian” date near “the Julian” date and the other way around.

[2] One theory of the historians is that the Macedo-Romanians/Aromanians are, like the Romanians, descendants of the Romanized ethnic unitary body of the Thracians’ strong trunk, who lived south of the Danube, surviving the Slavic invasion of the sixth-seventh centuries. Cf. Th. CAPIDAN, Die Mazedo-Rumänen, 48; L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 189; M. PĂCURARIU, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, vol. 1, 187.

Another theory of the linguists is that they have a common origin with the Romanians of Roman Dacia. Out of the great expansion of the Romanian spirit from the Danube, which followed the Slavic invasion, some traces were left spreading to all directions in the Balkan Peninsula: east in Rodope and the western side of Thracia; south to Macedonia, but especially Epirus and Thessaly getting to Peloponnesus; west, inside the ancient Serbia, getting beyond the eastern borders of Albania; in the ancient Serbian Kingdom, in Montenegro and along the Adriatic coast up to the northern part of Dalmatia. The rest of the trans-danubian Romanians of the Balkan Peninsula was kept in two populations: some of them who came earlier from the northern territories called Macedo-Romanians/Aromanians; the others, descending some centuries later and settled near the region called Meglen, wherefrom the name Megleno-Romanians comes. The history mentions the Macedo-Romanians from the tenth century; there are no testimonies earlier than the nineteenth century about the Megleno-Romanians. Cf. Th. CAPIDAN, Românii din Peninsula Balcanică, 91-94; IDEM, Die Mazedo-Rumänen, 48-50.

The Macedo-Romanians drew back before the Ottoman invasion in the second half of the second millennium, to south Balkan areas, where they are still living today in important numbers in: Greece, Albania, Macedonia-Skopje and less in Bulgaria. They have not lived exclusively in Macedonia proper, but among all the people of the Balkan Peninsula, among Greeks, Turks, Bulgarians, Albanians, and “their main occupation has always been the trading.” Gh. TULBURE, Activitatea literară, 2.

More about Aromanians see at Wolfdieter BIHL, Notizen zu den ethnischen und religiösen Splitter-, Rest- und Sondergruppen in den Habsburgischen Ländern, in: Die Habsburger-Monarchie 1848-1918, Bd. III/2, 949-974; Th[eodor] CAPIDAN, Die Mazedo-Rumänen, Bukarest 1941; Wolfgang DAHMEN, Die Aromunen heute – eine Volksgruppe in der Identitätskrise?, in: Südosteuropa Mitteilungen 45 (2005) Heft 2, 66-77; Thede KAHL, Ethnizität und räumliche Verteilung der Aromunen in Südosteuropa, Münster 1999; Max Demeter PEYFUSS, Die Aromunische Frage. Ihre Entwicklung von den Ursprüngen bis zum Frieden von Bukarest (1913) und die Haltung Österreich-Ungarns, Köln 1974; Nicolas TRIFON, Les Aroumains, un peuple qui s’en va, La Bussière 2005.

[3] Moscopole – the former metropolis of the Macedo-Romanians – was the most important urban settlement of the Balkan Vlachs with an acknowledged social and hand-made goods. It is in the middle of a field (present day Albania) which lies from Gramos massif to the north-west up to 10 km distance from the southern side of the Lake Ohrid. Cf. L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 192-193.

See also Max Demeter PEYFUSS, Die Druckerei von Moschopolis, 1731-1769. Buchdruck und Heiligenverehrung im Erzbistum Achrida, Wien u.a. ²1996.

[4] The Vlachs from Moscopole area had important privileges; they were self-governing within the Ottoman Empire. Cf. L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 193.

[5] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 8.

[6] The attacks of the armed Albanian and Turkish armed bands destroyed Moscopole, forever, as a result of the orders of Ali Pasha, in 1788. Cf. L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 193.

[7] Cf. Gh. TULBURE, Activitatea literară, 3.

[8] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 7.

[9] Andrei Şaguna’s family had its origins in Pindus area, the village Grabova, near Moscopole, which had the same fate like the metropolis. Cf. L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 193; S. DIAMANDI, Figuri reprezentative – Mitropolitul Andrei Şaguna, 208.

[10] N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul,19-20.

[11] Cf. I. PUŞCARIU, Notiţe, 150.

[12] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 14.

[13] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 11.

[14] Until the Decree of Tolerance of 1781, passed by Joseph II, the Macedo-Romanians of Buda and Pest, who like the Romanians were under the Serbian hierarchy, had common churches with the Serbians. As a consequence of the actions taken up in 1788, they obtained on November 24, 1789, the imperial consent to raise a special church for all “the non-Uniate Greeks of Pest”. The church has not been completed yet, when the Greeks and the Macedo-Romanians had begun to fight on the language used during the divine services and on the priests’ nationality. See the chapter “Biserica greco-valahă din Pesta” (“The Greek-Vlachian church of Pest”), in: I. PUŞCARIU, Notiţe, 150-162.

[15] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 11-13.

[16] Gh. TULBURE, Activitatea literară, 4.

[17] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 9.

[18] See a copy of the register with baptized people in Miskolcz at I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 12.

[19] Cf. N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 19.

[20] Gh. ALEXICI, Date noi la viaţa lui Şaguna, 1.

[21] Mihail Muciu/Mutsu’s petition lodged to the emperor, dated Vienna, February 27, 1815, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 185-186 here 185: “[…] Antonius Sagona desponsando postquam ex eadem duos filios et filiam suscepisset, ac per disordinatam vitae rationem, non modo notabile patrimonium proprium abligurivisset, sed et res paraphernales, aliaque vitae adiumenta, per me filiae data simpliciter et de plano absorpsisset, non destitit, inter horrendas Execrationes filiam meam tam saeviter ac duriter tractare ut eadem se ad Lares meos una cum tenellis prolibus conferre debuit.”

[22] The conversions out of very strict religious reasons were very rare exception within the Austrian Monarchy; when they occurred, the reasons of social and political climbing were the real ones. Cf. J. SCHNEIDER, Der Hermannstädter Metropolit, 39.

[23] Il. PUŞCARIU, Documente pentru limbă şi istorie, vol. II, 292-293.

[24] Archbishop Fischer’s letter No. 1573/1814 to the country Palatine, dated Eger (Agria), October 7, 1814, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 184: “Antonius Sagona, Gr.[aeci] n.[on] u.[niti] Ritus Incola Oppidi Miskolcz, susceptis ex uxore, aeque gr.[aeco] n.[on] u.[nito] ritui addicta, tribus prolibus, Francisco nunc 10 annorum, Catharina 7, et Anastasius 5 annorum, ab eadem uxore, se una cum tribus memoratis prolibus ad Patrem suum, et respective Avum prolium maternum Miskolcziensem recipiente, ante biennium derelictus, mense Martio a.c. 1814/ti ad fidem Catholicam conversus, mox post conversionem suam Agriam comparuit, filiumque natu maximum Franciscum causa educationis a me recipi petierat.”

[25] N. IORGA, Istoria românilor din Ardeal şi Ungaria, vol. II, 130.

[26] N. IORGA, Istoria Bisericii româneşti şi a vieţii religioase a românilor, vol. II, 273.

[27] “Im Zuge seiner Studien der Philosophie und Rechtswissenschaften in Pest schloss er sich der Römisch-Katholischen Kirche an, kehrte aber 1828 zur Orthodoxie zurück.” K. SCHWARZ, Heilendes Erinnern, 132-133.

[28] Archbishop Fischer’s letter No. 1573/1814 to the country Palatine, dated Eger (Agria), October 7, 1814, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 184: “de natu minimo autem Anastasio disponat, ut hic quoque, ubi per aetatem recipiendae educationis et institutionis Catholicae capax fuerit, eidem vice archidiacono Miskolcziensi resignetur, acque sumptibus meis Agriae educandus.”

[29] Document No. 1814 f. 28/27238 emitted on October 18, 1814 from Borsod County, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 184-185: “Archieppus Agriensis factam isthuc Remonstratione Antonii Sagona Miskoltzensis, e Graeco non unito Ritu ad Catholicam Fidem conversi, Filium Franciscum 10 Annorum, per ipsum Patrem oblatum, et Filiam Catharinam 7 Annorum nunc statim; Filium vero Athanasium 5 Annorum, dum per Aetatem obtinendae Religionariae Institutionis capax redditus fuerit, a Matre, et Avo Materno, memorato Graeco non unito Ritui addicto, quorum posterior antelatas Proles ob Egestatem Parentum intertenet, uterque vero Catholicae earundem Educationi reluctatur, avelli, et fine recipiendae Catholicae Institutionis Vice Archidiacono Miskoltziensi resignari, petiit per hunc Agriam promovendas, secutius ad id requisitos sua ex parte offerendo.”

[30] Mihail Muciu/Mutsu’s complaint lodged to the emperor, dated Vienna, February 27, 1815, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 185-186 here 186: “[…] oro et obtestor Mattem Vram Ssmam, dignetur apud Cottum Borsodiensem clementissime disponere: ut cum praefatae Proles, debitae eaeque paternae subsint Provisioni, usque superationem Discretionis annorum, sub cura et provisione mea relinquantur, cum ad casum superationis praeinsinuatorum annorum difficultaturus non sim, ut eae fidem Catholicam, si videlicet iisdem tunc ita libitum fuerit, sequi possint.”

[31] See document No. 2788/1815, dated Vienna, March 3, 1815, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 186.

[32] Cf. Archbishop Fischer’s letter No. 532/1815 to the country Palatine, dated Buda, March 10, 1815, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 187-188 here 187: “[…] quod eaedem proles praevie jam per Matrem, et avum Maternum occultatae, et prout tardius innotuit, Pestinum ad Mercatorem eidem ritui Graeco non unito addictum Grabovszky asportatae fuerint.”

[33] At Pest as well as at Vienna, many well off merchants of Macedo-Romanian origin, generically called “Greeks” enjoyed a great influence. In Pest, there lived the largest Macedo-Romanian community from Hungary. Cf. L. STOICA, Starea culturală a aromânilor, 194.

[34] I.LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 16.

[35] See document No. 2738 dated January 30, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 189.

[36] See senator Boráros and priest Pfingstel’s report, dated Pest, April 17, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 190-191.

[37] Andrei Şaguna was a relative of the famous family Sina, bankers from Vienna. Cf. T. BODOGAE, Neue Angaben hinsichtlich der Beziehungen des Metropoliten Andreas Şaguna zu Baron Simeon Sina, 123.

[38] In 1788, the Macedo-Romanians and the Greeks of Pest built a church, in which the Holy Liturgy initial was held in Greek. The demand made by the Macedo-Romanians to have the divine services in Romanian lead to an open conflict in this community. Tell and length about this litigation from “the Greek-Vlachian church of Pest” in: I. PUŞCARIU, Notiţe, 150-162.

[39] Report of the Town Council of Pest addressed to the country Palatine, No. 3561, dated Pest, June 24, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 191: “[…] nominatos pueros quinque mensibus effective Pesthini esse, binis autem vicibus Miskolczini, et semel Viennae abfuisse, eosque pueros Scholas Graecas frequentantes, Devotioni in Ecclesia Graeco Valachica celebrari solitae interesse, ac denique in Religione Graeci N.U. Ritus, in qua nati sunt, educari, siquidem Pater harum prolium, nonnisi ante biennium sacra RCatholica amplexus esset.”

[40] Memorandum addressed by Anastasia Şaguna to the judge of Pest, dated Pest, March, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 189-190 here 190: “[…] ut quod rigor Legis vetat, Clementia Principis concederet […] mihi gratiam hanc collatum iri, cum amor maternus et veritas cuique subditorum, cumprimis matri, quae in personali cum Sua Matte Ssima colloquio unicum et ultimum invenit refugium, ad summum Hungariae Principem confugere licitum esse debere, ac una declaratio: me superato hocce citra petiti annutum, a Principe elargiendum, periculo, editis ratione earundem prolium ordinibus incunctater, ad praecavendam quamvis ulteriorem subsumptionem plene satisfacturam me merito excuset.”

[41] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 22.

[42] See the letter to the emperor written by the Country Council, No. 21707, dated July 23, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 192.

[43] See the answer of the Imperial Chancellery, No. 10425, dated Vienna, August 30, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 194.

[44] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 22. Mircea Păcurariu the historian provides the father’s death date in the year 1822. Cf. M. PĂCURARIU, Istoria Bisericii Ortodoxe Române, vol. 3, 93.

[45] See Anastasia Şaguna’s memorandum to the country Palatine, dated Pest, September 13, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 193-194.

[46] See the declaration dated Pest, September 14, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta  Anastasiei Şaguna, 192-193.

[47] See the decisions No. 27097 and 27644, dated September 17, 1816, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. Acte privitoare la lupta Anastasiei Şaguna, 194.

[48] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 9; I. LUPAŞ, Istoria bisericească a românilor ardeleni, 173.

[49] Gh. ALEXICI, Date noi la viaţa lui Şaguna, 3: “[…] quod Scholas publicas in Regiis Gimnasiis Miskolcziensi ac Pesthiensi cum profectu Eminentiae frequentando…”

[50] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 27.

[51] Il. PUŞCARIU, Documente pentru limbă şi istorie, vol. II, 292-293: “Punctele explicaţiunei Decretului de toleranţă din 22 Maiu 1782 emanate din ţinerea comisiunilor din 14 Iuliu 1782 la patentatele Nr. 352 a Protocolelor insertelor în tenorea comisiunei Nr. 530 se publică de nou” (“The points of the explanation of the Decree of tolerance of May 22, 1782, issued by the meeting of the committees of July 14, 1782, at patent No. 352 of the Protocols are published again”)

[52] Report to the judge of Buda dated December 21, 1821, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 2. Acte privitoare la Evreta Şaguna, 361: “[…] verum cum in Religione Matris suae, cui propter obtenta ab eadem Beneficia apprime addictus, et obstrictus est, Graeci Ritus n. unitorum scilicet usque annum circiter 14. educatus fuerit, hanc G. n. u. Ritus Religionem sibi praeplacere …”

[53] See Evreta/Francisc Şaguna’s petition meant to give up the Catholic confession, dated Buda, January 12, 1822, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 2. Acte privitoare la Evreta Şaguna, 363.

[54] Cf. Anticritic’a, 22.

[55] See Ecaterina Şaguna’s petition meant to give up the Catholic confession, dated Miskolcz, November 15, 1823, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 3. Acte privitoare la Ecaterina Şaguna, 364.

[56] The energetic mother interceded steadily this time too. See Anastasia Şaguna’s complaint to the country Palatine, dated Buda, March 7, 1825, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 3. Acte privitoare la Ecaterina Şaguna, 368-369.

[57] See letter No. 1029 of the Vicar Josephus Novaky of Eger to the country Palatine, dated Eger, June 29, 1825, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 3. Acte privitoare la Ecaterina Şaguna, 370.

[58] Decision No. 25436 dated October 4, 1825, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 3. Acte privitoare la Ecaterina Şaguna, 372.

[59] Gh. TULBURE, Activitatea literară, 9.

[60] E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 4. Acte privitoare la reîntoarcerea lui Atanasiu Şaguna, 455. See also Gh. ALEXICI, Date noi la viaţa lui Şaguna, 2-3.

[61] K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 10.

[62] Bishop Andrei Şaguna’s speech at the first meeting of “The Transylvanian Society for the Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People” (shortly named ASTRA), from March 9/21, 1861, in: Actele privitore la urdirea si infiintiarea Asociatiunei Transilvane pentru literatur’a romana, si cultur’a poporului romanu, 48.

Because at ASTRA the Romanian language was exclusively used, this declaration of the Bishop Andrei is a precious proof of the fact that Romanian was his first language, although his family origins are Macedo-Romanian. The speculations that Andrei Şaguna would have learnt Romanian later on, because his mother-tongue was not Romanian, are unjustified, as it is known that he was an upright personality who would have never denied anything which belonged to him, neither did he assume things which did not belong to him.

[63] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 32.

At length on the political, social, church and cultural climate of the society of Pest during the studies of Anastasie Şaguna see J. SCHNEIDER, Der Hermannstädter Metropolit, 53-59; 67-71.

[64] Gh. ALEXICI, Date noi la viaţa lui Şaguna, 3.

[65] A. HAMSEA, Din vieaţa pastorală a mitropolitului Şaguna, 457.

[66] See the documents: “11148 Ex Consilio dto 1 Maji 1827”; “8630 Datum Viennae die 13 Iulii anno 1827”; “20447 E. Cons. ddo 8 Aug. 1827”, in: E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 4. Acte privitoare la reîntoarcerea lui Atanasiu Şaguna, 458-459.

[67] E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 4. Acte privitoare la reîntoarcerea lui Atanasiu Şaguna, 459: “Inclyte Magistratus Academice! In obsequium Benigno Gratiosi Intimati Budae ddo 8-ae Augusti 1827 sub Nr. 20447 editi, quo tenore editae altmae resolutionis Regiae Anastasio  Sagona in R. Scient. Univ. Pesth. pro tunc I-um in annum Philosophiae Auditori, Facultatem Ritum Graec. non unitorum sequendi humillime petenti, sex septimanarum Institutio in R. Scient. Univ. subeunda praescribitur, et de impleta Institutione normale Attestatum Excelso Consilio Regio submittendum Altme ordinatur: in sequelam hujus Bgnae Dispositionis adnexum isthic Attestatum, medio Inclyti Magtus Acad. Exc. Cons. Regio substernendum submitto, addita ea humillima insinuatione, pro religiosa hac Institutione Testes non fuisse vocatos, propterea, quod praefatus Iuvenis, utpote Philosophiae Auditor, sub Legibus Academicis existens, qua Alumnus R.-Sient-Univ. considerari debuerit, et se durante tota Institutione humanum ac diligentem exhibuerit. Pethini 23-a Decembr. 1827. I. M. Ac. Hum. Servus Aug. Popol m.p.”

[68] E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 4. Acte privitoare la reîntoarcerea lui Atanasiu Şaguna, 460: “Attestatum. In obsequium Benigno Gratiosi Intimati Budae ddo 8 August Anno 1827 sub Nro 20447 editi, quo mihi infrascripto Altissimo loco imposita fuit obligatio: Anastasium  Sagona in Regia hac Scient: Universitate I-um in annum Philosophiae Auditorem, in doctrina Religionis Catholicae per sex septimanes erudiendi et subin Attestatum de qualiter expleta per antelatum Invenem praescripta Institutione Excelso Consilio Locum, Regio submitendi, praesentibus fide integra attestor: Invenem Anastasium Sagona in hac R. Scient. Univ. nunc secundum in annum Philosophiae Auditorem, religiosam Institutionem per sex continuas, a 5-a Novembris ad 18-am Decembris Anni 1827 diligenter subiyisse, et durante hac Institutione, integram totius doctrinae Religionis explicationem, attente ac modeste, ut Alumnum R. Scient: Univ. decet, excepisse. Interim non obstante hac Institutione, superatis sex septimanis, eundem Anastasium Sagona declarasse, se penes maternam Religionem perseverare velle, cum praesertim censeat, se etiam penes hanc, cum pariter a Christo originem trahat, salutem aeternam consecutorum esse. In quorum fidem praesens Attestatum, uti demandatum fuerat, Excelso Consilio Locumtenetiali Regio humillime substerno. Pesthini 27 Aprilis 1828. Augustinus Popol m.p. in A. Sc. Univ. Doctrinae Religionis Professor et orator sacer.”

[69] Ibid.: “Anastasium Sagona declarasse, se penes maternam Religionem perseverare velle”.

[70] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 36.

[71] E. TODORAN, Documente istorice. 4. Acte privitoare la reîntoarcerea lui Atanasiu Şaguna, 461.

[72] See the chapter I.2.4 herein.

[73] Cf. circular letter No. 141/1850, dated Sibiu, February 23/March 7, 1850, in: Gh. TULBURE, Mitropolitul Şaguna, 404-406.

[74] In his complaint lodged to the emperor on December 1, 1855, Bishop Andrei Şaguna was to grant a larger space to the devious problem of the conversions. See “Gravamenul episcopului Şaguna la Împăratul contra ministrului, cerând între alte şi reînfiinţarea metropoliei românilor ortodocşi” (“Bishop Şaguna’s complaint lodged to the emperor against the minister, asking among other things the reestablishment of the Metropolitanate of the Orthodox Romanians”), in: Il. PUŞCARIU, Metropolia, colecţia de acte, 122-151 here 133-135.

[75] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 18.

[76] See I. LUPAŞ, Şaguna şi Eötvös, 5-8.

[77] Andrei Şaguna’s letter to Ioan Cavalier of Puşcariu, dated July 27, 1872, in: Il. PUŞCARIU, Din anii ultimi, 413.

[78] In 1820, the Serbian Metropolitan Stefan Stratimirović – following the pressures exercised by the Court of Vienna and the Government of Pest for to establish a general seminary for the Orthodox over the empire, an idea the metropolitan did not agree – suggested the reorganization of five theological Orthodox schools in the monarchy at: Karlowitz, Pacrat, Werschetz, Timişoara and Arad, according to his plan. At Timişoara the school could not be established, at Arad the teaching language was Romanian and at Werschetz there were two sections, a Serbian and a Romanian one (from 1822). Cf. T. BODOGAE, Activitatea culturală şi politică a mitropolitului sîrb Ştefan Stratimirovici, 390.

[79] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 14-15.

[80] N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 23.

[81] “Meditatîuni asupr’a trebei banesci sî monastiresci, ce compete pârtii române din fondurile sî monastirile Metropoliei Carlovitiene, carea era comuna a Româniloru sî Serbiloru” (“Meditations upon  the financial and monastic matter which belongs to the Romanian side, from the funds and the monasteries of the Metropolitanate of Karlowitz which was common for the Romanians and the Serbians”),  signed E. M., in: Telegraful Roman, 1865, No. 24, 94.

[82] His choice to become a priest with the purpose to support the Romanians’ movement for national and church emancipation, first accredited by Nicolae Popea, then taken over by Ioan Lupaş: “We think that we are not wrong supposing that, among others, the above-mentioned tendency of emancipation of the national Church, which concerned all the good enlightened Romanians of the time, must have influenced his and his family’s decision to take this step” (I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 28), is not well grounded. See also J. SCHNEIDER, Der Hermannstädter Metropolit, 45.

[83] N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 22.

[84] I. SLAVICI, Dare de samă, 15.

[85] I. ONCIUL, Ce-va despre mersul şi desvoltământul culturei teologice şi clericale în Bucovina, 110.

For some landmarks about the context of the Orthodox theological studies within Austrian Monarchy see J. SCHNEIDER, Der Hermannstädter Metropolit, 5-10.

[86] Stevan Stratimirović had started, in 1802, a gymnasium and a seminary at Karlowitz, with the financial support of Dim. Anastasievici Sabov, a rich Macedonian merchant. Cf. T. BODOGAE, Documente inedite privitoare la istoria învăţămîntului teologic din Transilvania, 1218.

[87] I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 31.

[88] “Petiţiunea cătră minister pentru separarea hierarchiei române de cea sârbească şi ţinerea unui sinod general” (“The petition to the ministry which asked the separation of the Romanian hierarchy from the Serbian one and the meeting of a general synod”), in: N. POPEA, Memorialul, 385-389 here 387: “er [war] ein notorischer Verfolger der Romanen, da er sich selbst auszudrücken pflegte, dass ihm nichts verhasster, als die romanische Sprache sei.”

[89] See T. BODOGAE, Activitatea culturală şi politică a mitropolitului sîrb Ştefan Stratimirovici, 383-395.

[90] Cf. S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 244.

[91] The Novo Hopovo monastery, a centre of culture and literature, is one of the most prominent monasteries of the Fruška Gora Mountain, in province of Vojvodina. It was built according to the tradition, by the Despots of the Brankovic family. The present church, dedicated to St. Nicholas, was built in 1576, in place of the older one and it is one of the largest and architecturally most important religious buildings of its time. Its fresco paintings of 1608 are of exceptional artistic value.

    There is also a monastery Staro Hopovo, founded around the middle of the fifteenth century.

    Cf. Cultural Heritage in Central Serbia and Voivodina Province (online).

[92] The Jazak monastery – on the Fruška Gora Mountain – was founded in 1736, by a group of donors. The construction of the church, dedicated to the Holy Trinity and traditionally designed, lasted from 1736 to 1758 but, as early as 1741. Cf. Monasteries of Fruška Gora (online).

[93] According to the legend, the monastery of Bešenovo – on the Fruška Gora Mountain – was founded by Serbian King Dragutin at the end of the thirteenth century. Other sources relate the founding of the monastery to the middle of the fifteenth century. The monastery church was dedicated to the Holy Archangels Michael and Gabriel. Bešenovo was devastated in the Second World War and has not been renovated. Cf. Monasteries of Fruška Gora (online).

[94] The Monastery of Kovil is situated in the village of Kovil east to Novi Sad and was founded around the turn of the thirteenth century, but the first written reference to it is to the middle of the seventeenth century. Records from 1733 mention it as an educational establishment. Cf. Cultural Heritage in Central Serbia and Voivodina Province (online).

[95] All these dates are in an autobiographical notice written by Andrei Şaguna, in: Il. PUŞCARIU, Metropolia, 48. See also N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 24-25; S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 244; J. SCHNEIDER, Der Hermannstädter Metropolit, 46-47.

[96] N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 25. See also “Andrei Şaguna către arhimandritul mănăstirii Srem” (“Andrei Şaguna to the archimandrite of Srem monastery”) dated Sibiu, December 12, 1867, in: A. ŞAGUNA, Corespondenţa I/2, 243.

[97] I. LUPAŞ, Anastasia Şaguna, 42.

[98] A. Baronu de ŞAGUNA, Elementele dreptului canonic, 21855, VI.

[99] He was a teacher there from September 29, 1834, till the end of the school year 1841-1842. Cf. S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 245.

[100] Cf. S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 244.

[101] Cf. N. POPEA, Archiepiscopul şi Metropolitul, 23-24.

[102] At length on the expansion of the jurisdiction of the Metropolitanate of Karlowitz in the eighteenth century see the chapter I.2.3 herein.

[103] On October 11, 1838, he was appointed a consistorial assessor/counsellor by Metropolitan Stevan Stanković. Cf. Il. PUŞCARIU, Metropolia, 48; S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 244.

[104] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 16-17.

[105] Recognized as a kind of political leaders (ethnarchs), at a time when the appointment of the voivode and the political leaders proper was no longer allowed, the metropolitans of Karlowitz lead the entire life of the Serbian people which took refuge north of the Danube because of the Turks, by synods or church national congresses (genuine parliaments made up of 25 clergyman, 25 lay people and 25 delegates of the frontier guards territories). The bigger or smaller autonomy, which they were able to deal and maintain along time, was the only pledge meant to save the national and Orthodox soul of a people with a strong sense of freedom in these parts of Europe. Cf. T. BODOGAE, Activitatea culturală şi politică a mitropolitului sîrb Ştefan Stratimirovici, 383.

    By “Benignum Rescriptum Declaratorium Illyricae Nationis” of July 16, 1779, the Austrian régime tried to restrict the guaranteed rights of the Serbian nation, limiting the civil power and the income of the metropolitan of Karlowitz. Cf. Il. PUŞCARIU, Metropolia, 24.

[106] K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 16.

[107] Cf. I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 35.

[108] K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 17.

[109] Cf. S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 245. The Metropolitan Josip Rajačić came himself from the Eparchy of Werschetz, knowing its situation well.

[110] See M. PĂCURARIU, 100 de ani de la reînfiinţarea Mitropoliei Ardealului, 816.

[111] Cf. K. HITCHINS, Orthodoxy and Nationality, 18-19.

[112] S. DRAGOMIR, André Şaguna et Joseph Rajačić, 248.

[113] I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 33.

[114] See I. MÂRZA, Andrei Şaguna’s Grammar Book, 65-74.

[115] Cf. the chapter III.2.8 herein.

[116] The statement that Andrei Şaguna would have become familiar with the Romanian language as an adult only, and that he did not master it well, sustained by Ioan Lupaş (I. LUPAŞ, Vieaţa, 34), Gheorghe Tulbure (Gh. TULBURE, Activitatea literară, 12-15; Gh. TULBURE, Mitropolitul Şaguna, 3, 72) and by other authors (P. MORUŞCA, Cuvânt la centenarul marelui mitropolit Andrei, Baron de Şaguna, 434-435) is rejected by later studies. See T. BODOGAE, Dintr-o corespondenţă timişoreană, 28.


mihaela.stan December 15, 2016 Drept si Religie